32427 | 4 May 2026 | 16:44

With his appearance on the party scene, Radev gave voters the chance to say "no" to electoral justice, corruption, chalga politics and they took advantage of it. Now he is on the move

Two weeks after the early parliamentary elections, Bulgaria has a new parliament that began work immediately. A chairman was elected at the first meeting of the National Assembly, and President Iliana Yotova has begun consultations to form a government, which is expected to be a fact by the end of the week.

The promises of the winning party - "Progressive Bulgaria" - are to return the fulfilled mandate to the president as soon as they receive the portfolio. Against the backdrop of developments over the last five years, when election day marked the beginning of scandals, corruption, and more scandals, what is happening now seems like a miracle.

But it is not a miracle. A normal political process is taking place, when the victory is convincing and categorical.

"Progressive Bulgaria" won 131 mandates, which has not happened since the 1990s. It should be remembered that the United Democratic Forces coalition won 137 seats, and the government of Ivan Kostov ruled for a full four-year term (1997-2001).

Whether PB and the next government led by Prime Minister Rumen Radev (according to all previous announcements) will be in power for four years, we have yet to see, but as of today one of the most important questions is why Bulgarian citizens gave Radev such a decisive mandate? A question that the future prime minister and his ministers should not forget in any day of their work.

1. End of the political crisis

After the vote - what irony!, held exactly on April 19, but in 1997, the United Democratic Forces convincingly won after a huge political crisis, leading to hyperinflation and a quite delayed "gentle revolution" in the Bulgarian version. The mandate was given by the voters in order for the blue coalition to push the country in a new direction, by putting an end to the fierce confrontation between blue and red after the historic change in 1989. The motivation of Bulgarian citizens now is similar - "Progressive Bulgaria" should put an end to the political crisis that began with the protests in the summer of 2020 and went through a series of elections, instability, "coalitions", rise of populism, a fragmented parliament, political experiments, one-day parties, quarrels and fights in the National Assembly, degradation of the leading institution, a frontal clash between conservatives and neoliberals, and more and more. With his appearance on the political scene, Radev gave voters the chance to clearly say "no" to the listed issues, and they took advantage of it.

2. Breaking down the model

If we go back even further – before the mass protests in 2020, we must answer the question of why did they erupt? Was it only Radev's fist that fueled them? Yes, Radev inspired the uprising with his decisive gesture, which hinted at a fight. But the exhaustion of the model and the dissatisfaction with corruption were felt several years earlier. It was no coincidence that Radev became president, not Tsetska Tsacheva from GERB. The leader of "Progressive Bulgaria" now promises to break down the oligarchic/mafia model and has received a vote of confidence to fulfill his promise.

3. Normalization and again normalization

Fragmented and thunderous, the 51st Parliament disgusted Bulgarian citizens! The result of TISP - under one percent!, is proof of this thesis.

In the last year, the brazen actions of those in power resulted in peak values. Thus, the well-known and repeatedly launched thesis of Radev, according to which "they, the parties" are to blame for the misfortunes of the people, gained significant density. The first manifestation of the huge discontent were the protests in December, the second - on April 19.

In short - Radev and "Progressive Bulgaria" received a mandate to normalize the socio-political climate in the country.

Chalga politics should remain in history and only remind of itself in comedies. Talented comedies, not just any...

4. A New Type of Politicians

Rumen Radev is not a new face in Bulgarian politics, just like Ivan Kostov, Simeon Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, and Boyko Borisov were not new when they convincingly won in 1997, 2001, and 2009 respectively. Radev was new in 2016 when he went straight from the air force to the big leagues of politics as a candidate for head of state and won. Since then, he has gained extensive experience and has a precise compass for the labyrinth/secrecy/underground dealings of Bulgarian politics. In short - Radev is not a new politician, but he successfully built the image of being a new type of politician. A politician who can stand up against the status quo both in Sofia and Brussels.

Of course, one Radev alone is not enough. We need more politicians who can argue against the grain both domestically and abroad.

5. Critical voice, but without BULEXIT

Yes, the time of "yes-men" is clearly ending in the multipolar world, where each country must be aware of what it wants and how it can achieve it. The strong geopolitical dynamics are changing the roles of key international players. At a time when the authority of the American President is undermined due to the war in the Middle East, at a time when Europe struggles to gain solid political subjectivity, there is no more winning position than that of Radev's. And it is that within the unions we belong to, the Bulgarian point of view must be heard. Bulgarian voters have given a mandate for foreign policy that protects national interests within the European Union. In short - a strong and stable Bulgaria, but without BULEXIT.

6. Negotiations on the Road to Peace

Before April 19, the position of Radev on the issue of peace and war was widely known - that an end should be put to the victims of the conflict being fought on the territory of Ukraine, through negotiations. That a military victory over Russia is not possible.

It is possible that PB received a mandate to lead foreign policy in this direction. The "hawkish" type of speech has never been popular with the majority of the public. And a bellicose rhetoric, combined with "yeasmanship", is a combination that can completely nullify the chances of any Bulgarian politician in the elections. Or at least diminish any chance of a second term, as was the case with Rosen Plevneliev.

7. Is a social crisis coming?

Whether the inflation is due to the euro or the crisis in the Middle East, it is a fact. Prices are also a fact, with services and products often being twice as expensive when calculated at a rate of one lev to one euro. For now, any boycott from consumers has no effect. The citizens are stressed and dissatisfied, and Radev's position on the euro is well known - we were not prepared for its introduction. When we add all other factors that "inflate" the inflation - external crises, budget squandering in certain areas in recent years, the decline in living standards seems inevitable.

Radev has been given the mandate to control the looming social crisis, which will be his most difficult task. If he takes the solution in a populist way, it will be wrong. The first sign of the direction he will take will come from the budget of the new majority.

8. Will Election Justice Become History?

And last but not least, perhaps even first, Radev won because Bulgarian citizens want a decisive end to electoral justice and unpunished corruption, especially in the higher echelons of power.

In its most radical version, the reform should start as a complete cleansing of the judicial system and integrity tests. So far, the majority does not have such ideas, but there is a promise to destroy the pyramid of Bulgarian oligarchy, including through confiscation of illegal assets and properties. One of the points from which the process must start is the replacement of the composition of the Supreme Judicial Council, the selection of a new legitimate prosecutor general and a new inspectorate for the judiciary.

As President Radev showed, he is not a person who makes hasty decisions. However, as prime minister, he will need visible and quick results before the presidential and local elections next year. They will show whether "Progressive Bulgaria" will return to the time of full mandates when they were led by Kostov, the king, and Stanishev.