20439 | 18 Feb. 2025 | 00:10

The Apostle's vision for the future of a free Bulgaria outlines a new, unknown and dazzling world for the entire Bulgarian society - a world of true democratic republic of justice and equality before the law

We mark 153 years since the death of the Apostle of Freedom Vasil Levski. However, there is a discrepancy between the date of his death - February 18, which is celebrated in a number of cities, including his hometown of Karlovo, and the commemoration in most parts of the country - February 19.

It is an undisputed historical fact that Vasil Levski ended his earthly journey on February 6, 1873 by the old style calendar. The sentence was carried out in the vicinity of Sofia. The place of Levski's hanging is located in the center of today's Sofia, where his monument was erected.

The hanging of Vasil Levski - February 6, 1873 by the old style calendar, corresponds to February 18, not February 19 by the new style calendar, according to historians. However, in most places in the country, respect for the memory of the Apostle is paid on the incorrectly imposed date and the reason for this is due to the unfamiliarity with calendars. In 1916, when Bulgaria transitioned from the Julian to the Gregorian calendar, or from old to new style, a correction of 13 days was accepted.

"In textbooks, the correct date is already written, but how do we explain to students why they read February 18th, while many cities still mark it on the incorrect 19th. The arguments in defense of the date February 18th are many," members of the "Vasil Levski" committee in Veliko Tarnovo point out.

We have no second Levski in the world.

Prof. Dr. Ivaylo Hristov

The lasting interest in the personality and deeds of the Apostle has not decreased for almost a century and a half. With the strength of his ideas and the scale of his broad organizational and political reach, he commands respect from all: from both the left and the right, from intellectual elites to the unenlightened lower classes.

In Bulgarian national consciousness, Levski is considered the "saint of Bulgaria", a prolific figure and role model for every Bulgarian. The poet Ivan Vazov places him alongside the Savior, and one of his associates, unknown by name, exclaims after his capture: "We do not have a second Levski in the world".

In the person of the Apostle of freedom, the most attractive qualities of the Revivalist activist come together: revolutionary determination and emotional sensitivity; bravery and nobility; democracy and assertiveness; moral strength and dedication to the cause.

The analysis of the ideas and practical activity of Levski reveals the presence of a pure apostolic faith. This is most clearly seen in his practical work. By creating the Internal Revolutionary Organization (IRO), Levski first implemented the idea that the Bulgarian people should not wait for their liberation from outside forces, but should fight for it themselves by rising up in a general rebellion. The goal is to liberate Bulgaria through a "moral and armed revolution."

He himself takes steps towards achieving this goal. For him, only a well-organized and prepared revolution can make sense and have a chance of success. Only such a liberation movement could protect Bulgaria from foreign interference and make us masters of our own destiny.

It is known that until 1869, he provoked revolutions by presenting himself as a foreigner or a full beneficiary of another foreign government. No one inside or outside Bulgaria believed that we could liberate ourselves with our own forces from within. According to Rakovski, the uprising in Bulgaria could only be raised by chetas, organized on the territory of one of the Christian principalities - Serbia or Romania. (The question of where this giant self-sufficiency comes from is separate, the confidence that a cheta of 1000 people will captivate the whole nation.)

This "chetnik" ideology has been tested, as we know, without success, by Hadji Dimitar in 1867 and by Hristo Botev in 1876. The other ideologist of the national revolution - Lyuben Karavelov, confesses almost the same thing: "We agree, he writes, that without allies it is impossible to achieve our goals and that without anyone's help we will not be able to fight the Ottomans."

In this sense, hardly any other of the apostles has taken on a more comprehensive and desperate task from the beginning of their revolutionary journey. And without external support, without financial means, and before the Bulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee (BRCC) under the chairmanship of Lyuben Karavelov was formed.

Levski sees Bulgaria's liberation as a national cause, which will find expression in a general uprising. This is the starting point of his adopted tactics and the pursuit to involve as many Bulgarians as possible in the revolutionary cause.

This is, in every respect, an innovative, apostolic, radical idea that has no parallel in Europe so far! Levski is the founder and builder of the only of its kind mass, populist, secretive organization, which is not seen in the Italian, Greek, Serbian or Romanian liberation revolutions during the last quarter of the 19th century.

Did he believe in Bulgarian success, since the reality is more than just talk: the military power of the Ottoman Empire, the unpreparedness of the committees, the distant attitude of Russia at this moment, etc. It is doubtful that Levski was a realist and a pragmatist, he did not believe in miracles, including the possibility to overthrow the Ottoman rule with the force of arms.

The Apostle explicitly points out several times in his letters that "we can never be prepared as other forces".

His strategic goal is different - to prepare the people as much as necessary, as he writes to Panayot Hitov in September 1871, "a good harvest of our enterprise" (stricktly mine, I. H.), that is, for a good future.

In this regard, he was the first to formulate a comprehensive concept (down to the smallest details) for the future revolution: providing financial resources for the purchase of modern weapons, the uprising should begin in late autumn to make it difficult for the Ottoman army to move through Bulgarian territory during the winter season, strategic points should be taken into account in major cities, which should be pre-equipped, and the administration of liberated territories should be carried out by the committees of the Internal Revolutionary Organization, etc.

Levski is imposed as an ideologist and apostle of the national revolution with precisely these two simple and rational ideas: a general uprising (not local uprisings!) and the establishment of a new type of state. It will be a national, Bulgarian state, where everyone will recognize the Bulgarian laws!

Federating with Serbia, Montenegro, Romania, and Greece is also possible, but under the explicit condition "the land inhabited by Bulgarians to be governed in a Bulgarian manner, in accordance with the customs and character of the Bulgarian people."

Like every nation, it decides its own fate: "Let each nation, as well as every individual, preserve its own fate and be governed by its own will." Because the time in which Apostle lived and fought - the second half of the XIX century, is not devoid of aspirations for achieving European unity, for building a democratic and united Europe, for federations and confederations with neighboring and distant nations.

In the third point of the "Order" it is said: "We, Bulgarians, desire to live fraternally with all our neighbors, especially with the Serbians and Montenegrins, who sympathize with our aspirations, and with the Romanians, with whom our freedom is closely connected, and we desire to form a federation of free lands with them."

As a true apostle, who has set himself the task of the spiritual and political renewal of the nation, the Apostle bears renaissance traits. This is why undoubtedly the most interesting aspect in all of these puzzles is the personality itself - the man Vasil Levski! His character and spirituality.

Because Levski is interesting not only for the history he creates, but also for his inner drama and suffering as a great personality who has surpassed his contemporaries, because he has realized all of their strengths and weaknesses.

Astounding is the self-control of the Apostle. In this respect, he is unmatched. Not because he was brave, there are many such people. Not even because he was a great patriot, lest Rakovski or Botev be considered less devoted to their homeland. But because of his ability to perfectly control his emotions and conscience. This is something exceptional and is not found in our other revolutionaries.

Levski enters the memory of his people as an example of self-sacrifice, humanity and selflessness. In the name of the freedom of Bulgaria, the Apostle renounces all earthly pleasures, with the exception of one - to fight for the political independence of his homeland. Most of his days have been spent traveling through cities, villages, neighborhoods, and monasteries, in secret meetings and assemblies, in passionate sermons, in writing letters, and constantly outwitting traitors and pursuers.

On horseback or on foot, he has never been safe for a moment, rarely having free moments, and yet no one has ever heard him complain. Most of his contemporaries remember him with a radiant smile, his honeyed words, and the rebellious songs he sang even in the cold and the frost - as written by Hristo Botev in a letter, calling him an "extraordinary man".

No one has seen him smoke, drink rakia or wine, heard him swear or experience any crises. Levski's fearlessness is combined with a sharp, agile and sober mind, with the ability for deep insights. He uttered the words: "We are in time and time is in us, it turns us and we turn it," which will remain in the treasury of human thought.

One of his first biographers calls him a "unique unit" and perhaps this definition is closest to the truth of Levski's magic, whose charm is not so much in specific deeds and traits, but mainly in the harmonious combination of many qualities.

The words of Andrey Pantev are famous: "There will be no new Levski. This is a helpless cry, a suffering plea to something that cannot appear again." Levski did not want to take any position after the Liberation of Bulgaria. This is his spiritual greatness.

This is also the repulsive essence of contemporary politics that those who initially enter it to create something better, later start to indulge in it as bigshots. I cannot imagine Levski as a minister, deputy or ambassador. He sacrificed his life. He knew what awaited him and that he would pay for what he was doing, despite his discreet journeys in Bulgarian lands. Levski embodies the purest form of the word idealist. For all the others, including Botеv, there are various unworthy rumors, assumptions and assessments, while the Apostle became a holy man.

In this essence of his being, was the Apostle happy? Given that he hardly ever talks about himself in his letters, it is difficult to give a definite answer to all these questions, but one thing is certain. Levski was completely consumed by his great mission, so it is entirely logical that everything done to achieve it brought him pleasure and the highest satisfaction. In a letter to Kiryak Tsankov dated July 2, 1872, he writes that "a man with colorful eyes would come out of the West and he would free Bulgaria." The man with those eyes is Levski. This means that the Deacon had a full awareness of his historic mission and complete faith that it would end successfully.

Only this can explain his supernatural endurance and perseverance, shown in the presence of an ever-unhealing wound acquired during the Second Bulgarian Legion in 1867. One way or another, it is a fact that with so many written pages from the Apostle, very rarely does any complaint from the Bulgarian people slip into his texts; there we do not see him once fall into hysteria, hesitation or fear; from his mouth, no division or protest against the Sisyphean difficulties that accompany his life falls down.

On the contrary, on various occasions Levski notes: "The pure people fight as long as they can, to save their people..."; "Look more at the people's work than anything else"; "We work for the homeland, brother, tell me mine and I'll tell you yours, so we can fix them".

And the memorable phrase: "If I win, I win for the whole nation - if I lose, I lose only myself."

The undying energy of Levski, his dedication to the cause, and his readiness for self-sacrifice speak of the Apostle's belief that the positive qualities of the Bulgarian people outweigh the inevitable defects caused by the 500 years of Ottoman rule in Moesia, Thrace and Macedonia.

Levski was clearly convinced that fear had not genetically damaged his contemporaries. Because in the ranks of the Internal Revolutionary Organization (IRO) flowed everything educated, honest, and patriotic contained in the structure of Bulgarian society during the Revival. It is precisely this unprecedented moral purity of Levski that strengthens our faith in the future of the Bulgarian people. A people who have lived for centuries under foreign rule, but have given birth to giants like Apostle, Rakovski, Karavelov, Botev, Stambolov, preserve and transmit their fundamental virtues throughout time.

The key to understanding the personality of Levski is its timeless presence in the lives of Bulgarians, before and after his death. The work of Levski has always been and will always be a fundamental constant, an internal pillar, an internal moral support. In this regard, he is peerless, and over time, the name of Apostle becomes increasingly tied to the high moral and ethical values embodied in his powerful personality.

It can undoubtedly be said that he is a unique generative force that sets a system of values, a symbol of liberation, and always necessary for society in times of crisis. In the past and today, the Apostle [Levski] has not ceased to be a standard for human perfection and an example for generations, an embodiment of wisdom, carrying an exceptionally powerful spirit.

Every encounter with Levski is a journey through a universe of experiences and self-reflection, of dreams and achievements. Comparing Levski to the other Renaissance activists and the creators of modern Bulgaria, without any hesitation we can say that he is the most popular and beloved historical figure. Not only because he is the easiest to mythologize: he died young, had no family, and little is known about his personal life (there are very few direct testimonies and memories of him), but above all because of his ideal.

Because, in the words of Plamen Mitev: "The ideal of Levski for an independent, united and strong Bulgaria expresses, in a synthesized expression, the most cherished desires of Bulgarians throughout our 14-century history." Apostol believed in the resurrection of a free Bulgaria and dedicated all his energy to achieving this goal... His vision for the future of a free Bulgaria outlines a new, unknown and dazzling world for the entire Bulgarian nation, a world of true democratic republic based on justice and equality before the law, a world where one will not be persecuted for their political ideas or religious beliefs, a world where regardless of their ethnic origin, everyone will have equal rights and obligations, equal opportunities and chances to excel.

The Apostol presents his ideas for the future state and its structure with a statesman-like thinking that goes far beyond time. He sees Bulgaria as a country with independent foreign policy, and the Bulgarian people with national self-confidence, masters of their own destiny. His problems are largely modern ones: for civic consciousness, for human purity, for the constructive power of the idea.

Because the idea makes the man, just as the man makes the idea. Levski is an example of how a truly great idea, such as the unquestionable one for the liberation of Bulgaria, can elevate a person to great heights. If it weren't for this idea to inspire and motivate him, to give him strength, the Apostle would hardly have been the man he was.

With Levski, the idea of liberation was so strong and mobilizing, that it gathered all of his abilities like a radiant beam. This was also evident in his interactions with people. He was known for his ability to persuade and to make even the most skeptical people devoted to the cause.

The key points in Levski's biography reveal him as a non-standard, renaissance person, for whom individual and social success are only possible through adequate innovation and a creative practical approach, taking into account the specifics of his country's existence. Through his revolutionary activities, he sets an example of the qualities a great political leader should possess.

Above all, not only to have a vision of what and how to do, but also to prove with personal example that sacrifice is not just words, but also actions, that leading means taking responsibility. But here is also the drama of Apostle, whose roots lie in his innate democratization, in the belief in dissent, which he constantly writes and speaks about.

Levski possessed all the qualities of a large-scale leader, namely: imagination, knowledge, organizational skills and determination, but not stubbornness. On the contrary, Levski was good, merciful, democratic, accommodating, traits that are not typical for the Balkan reality and to some extent predestined his tragic death. Hence one of his pains: Apostle hated violence, abhorred shedding blood, but had to do it in the name of liberation.

Without the image of Levski's life, every Bulgarian generation would have lived a much more inconsistent, chaotic and usually unproductive life. “ In the image of Levski, Bulgarians embody the idea of their own growth. The Apostle unifies, rather than divides, and creates our national bond. 

By understanding the deeds of Levski, generations are trying to discipline themselves, self-organize and give new meaning to their time, following this unique human example. From Levski's deeds and documentary heritage, it is clear that he wanted to turn the Bulgarian people into a factor for solving their own destiny. 

He had a clear attitude towards the interests of the great powers. When speaking, for example, of Russia, he says: "We have been scorched by burning and still do not know how to blow". Or when he says that "We have been shouting for freedom for so long, and our irritated voice has no one to answer." Where is the humanity and education of Europe?“, in order to finally say „We work purely Bulgarian and we will not be swayed by anyone outside of Bulgaria.“  

Another question is that few of his aspirations come true. Levski becomes an idol for the Bulgarians in contrast to everything that happens immediately after the Liberation. We are intoxicated by the idea that a state has been created, intoxicated by having our own National Assembly, army, teachers, railways, etc. But at the same time, we also have disappointment and sorrow not only because of the territorial amputations, but also because of the thick atmosphere and a special political climate is created, in which few of Levski's bright ideals related to the social and domestic situation in the country are realized.

Not by accident, the people called him the "Apostle of Freedom". This phrase contains more than just the idea of national liberation, as it encompasses freedom in all its possible dimensions. In his only poetic attempt at "autobiography", Levski says that he does not want to be "Turkish or any kind of slave." No slave in the human, political, and social sense.

And something very important: for Levski, the gifted freedom is not true freedom. The Apostle knows that freedom is an inner state of the spirit, that it is not possible to be under "slavery" for five centuries and then suddenly wake up independent.

In the biography of Levski published in 1883 by Zahari Stoyanov, the Chronicler conveys the famous words of the Apostle: "Do not hope for anyone, if we are not capable of liberating ourselves, then it means that we are not worthy of having freedom."