24151 | 9 Oct. 2025 | 17:05

The Prime Minister responds to problems, conflicts, insults, and even minor quarrels with a controlled emotional response. He puts forward managerial, not partisan, leadership

At the premiere, Rosen Zhelyazkov lacks two things - composure and professionalism.

 That's why. August and September were tough for the executive power. During the summer months, tension built up and was sharply directed against the government, institutions, and the political class. It was triggered by problems that affect the lives, health, and livelihood of Bulgarian citizens, and a high level of sensitivity accumulated towards them. In August, let us remember, a 21-year-old crashed into a city bus at 170 kilometers per hour with a powerful car and killed a person. A child fell from parasailing and died in front of their mother's eyes. 18-year-old hits pedestrians with ATV in Sunny Beach, causing a huge family tragedy! 

   In the absence of respect for rules and laws, with lowered control and inactive institutions, these incidents do not seem like accidents, but rather like a regular occurrence. Similarly, the water shortage cannot be blamed solely on climate change, as no investments have been made in the water infrastructure for decades.

  In September, the National Assembly started with high tensions and a call for a vote of no confidence towards the government of Zhelezkov. The vote was unsuccessful, but for the first time, the entire opposition voted "for." Protests have been renewed - some for the rule of law and against the "captured state", others against the euro and neoliberal Brussels.

 Zhelyazkov is under intense fire from both liberals and nationalists.

 But that was not all. Heading toward “Dondukov” 1 (verbal) arrows were sent by the leader of the party and mandatary Boyko Borisov: - “If I were Prime Minister, there would be three ministers in Pleven by now and the problem would have been solved.” - “I rented out my party to this management in order to maintain stability.”

 The possible interpretation of these statements is one - exerting control over the Prime Minister, but also an attempt to distance oneself from the government at a time when it is clearly under strong pressure.

 In light of everything mentioned, Rosen Zhelyazkov remained calm, with his actions being cool-headed, measured, and practical. For a moment, he did not even challenge Borisov's leadership role, even emphasizing with full awareness that their strong bond is the engine for government stability. With respect, he also relies on the third factor - Peevski - the shield that protects the majority. Without his votes, "Zhelyazkov" cabinet is inconceivable. His firm stance against no-confidence votes is a guarantee for the political survival of this administration, and support for the cabinet creates the atmosphere in which the governing team must operate.

 And they are working. Zhelyazkov imposed anti-crisis measures - serious and firm. As a result, ministers have increased the pace, and the prime minister went to the heavily affected by the water regime Pleven and from there sent his first clear message, different from what we are used to. Zhelyazkov promises that there will be no water supply regime in the city next year and says:

 "This is our responsibility, we are betting on our authority." On October 8th, before a meeting of the Council of Ministers, against the background of what happened in Eleni, the garbage crisis in Sofia and the upcoming adoption of the Euro, Zhelyazkov made even more categorical messages about the direction and the way the cabinet works:

 "The inherited problems can no longer be justified because the cabinet is in its political maturity."

 "I do not want excuses from you (referring to the ministers), but solutions."

 "In the new autumn political season, targeted actions are being observed in the political environment, which obviously aim to cause instability." My call is not to succumb to collective and personal provocations, to perform your work professionally and responsibly. "Zhelyazkov also promises effectiveness and high level of accountability.

 What are the requests and political announcements made by the Prime Minister?

 Firstly, for a completely new approach in solving problems, where professionalism takes precedence over party/political interests.

 Secondly, for a policy that does not begin with attacking predecessors and that is differentiated from Borisov’s mandates.

 Thirdly, for an elegant distance from political provocations and attacks, regardless of their author.

 Fourthly, for strict work in departments and ministries, as a team, whether the level of political tension jumps sharply or moves evenly, even at high levels.

 Fifthly, raising the issue of security - personal, health, civic, as a top priority.

 Sixthly, a request for a full term, despite the difficulties and challenges.

 What follows from these ambitious goals?

 It can be predicted that efforts to stabilize power through quick and pragmatic decisions will be at the core of government policy amidst unfolding political attacks from various directions, with different natures, such as the attack that took place at the "Haishi" hotel, or as the "waterfall hotel" owned by the prime minister's wife is now known. Zhelyazkov reacts here with facts and without emotional outbursts, be it anger or outrage. It became clear that the project initiative started in 2016, the funds invested from 2017 to 2023 are personal savings, company and family money, with a clear origin and paid taxes. Everything is declared in the registry of the Commission for Prevention of Corruption.

 Despite this, attacks from opposition parties continue, which is not surprising. We must also add to them the attacks of the president, which often cross the line of acceptable institutional dialogue.

 The government of Rosen Zhelyazkov has already made its mark in our latest history, almost at the beginning of its term. It was the first vote of no confidence to be introduced before the first 100 days of tolerance had passed. In April, the cabinet survived two votes, and in July - yet another one. The fifth of September sparked a sharp parliamentary debate that exposed the differences within the opposition itself - "Zhelyazkov" was attacked by nationalists and globalists, pro-Russians and Russophobes, conservatives and liberals, experienced politicians, but also anti-system and opportunistic players, driven by unclear interests.

 The government itself has a complex political structure, but three things are clear: none of the political forces supporting it have an interest in early elections. The opposition is unable to build an alternative due to its diverse nature. The complex political structure operates in turbulent times.

 The main external risk for the Prime Minister and the government is the changing global order, in which Europe's influence is weakening. The main internal risk is the invisible, societal tension that can change the direction of development if it finds a reason to erupt.

 With the new type of politics and communication he offers, the Prime Minister is trying to control this tension. He reacts to issues, conflicts, insults, and even minor disputes with a controlled emotional state. His legal education and long stay in the corridors of power as a top administrator help him to put managerial rather than party interests first. The expertise of the prime minister is projected onto the ministers who, so far at least, have put aside their ideological differences.

 His style is restrained and refined.

 Zhelyazkov does not provoke noise and scandals which alienate citizens from politics, divide society, and trigger disappointment and pessimism.

 He has never directed an excessive word, gesture or action towards anyone. His actions are precise and composed, with the dignity required by his position, whether responding to the president or the opposition. His speech remained a mark after the fifth vote of no confidence, when he delved into the public wound: "As a nation, we cannot take any more hate." And for the first time, he publicly let his emotions flow, which spilled over into the hall: "My humble appeal is for us to try to protect Bulgarian democracy, which was hard-won and has gone through many trials. And most importantly, we must protect it from our own embrace, which can suffocate it, from our jealousy, our ego, and our skewed pride."

 He was sent off with applause. But they didn't hear it. Bulgarian politics is increasingly suffocating in its own embrace of ego, pride, hate, and opposition.

 In this atmosphere, Zhelezkov must have nerves of steel to withstand the attacks and navigate between the passions.

 And to impose the managerial style of government management.