29023 | 9 June 2025 | 20:21

However, the government appears stable at this stage. It could fall if partners withdraw their support, but for now, they are getting along very well. Secondly, if the MRF- NEW BEGINNING decides to withdraw their votes, for which there is also no indicat

 "The convergent reports on the euro adoption are a cause for joy for the authorities and worry for the people, because every Bulgarian knows in their pocket that the officially declared inflation of 2.7 percent is actually much higher." "Parliament turns its back on the Bulgarian people and breaks the social contract with the citizens by refusing to hold a nationwide referendum."

 These are just a few of the statements made by President Rumen Radev on June 8 in front of the media, in continuation of the war he declared against the executive power, the majority and almost all parliamentary parties. The reason for this time is the decision to adopt the euro on January 1, 2026, and unexpectedly, Radev has requested a referendum on the matter. 

 This comes as a surprise, as for a long time he adamantly rejected the request of "Revival" party to hold a referendum, claiming it would violate the Constitution. But in May, despite warnings from his legal advisor Krum Zarkov that his request would contradict the basic law, Radev challengingly threw down the gauntlet to the National Assembly and asked for what he himself rejected - a referendum on the euro.

 Of course, this was sabotage, because Radev missed the time to intervene when "Revival" wanted it; he failed to act when the government requested the preparation of convergence reports on Bulgaria's readiness to adopt the euro. However, after this rough play, the executive power and state institutions mobilized, which, note, once again faced criticism from Radev - they should have been activated long ago instead of remaining silent and only coming out with slogans and spells, he said.

 From here on, it is obvious that Radev will only play like this - without allies, with a sharp confrontation against the parties, even though he could have put forward his own political project alongside them.

   In fact, the former commander-in-chief of the Air Force usually played anti, which in a country like Bulgaria with a deficit of justice and high social inequality guaranteed him a high rating. Approval ratings only began to decline during the interim government, but later began to rise again. Especially after his powers were drastically reduced. However, there were also significant indications that Radev was losing influence - there were no protests over the stripping of his powers, there were not enough people willing to vote in the referendum for a presidential republic...

 A warning red light for change, which is not in Radev's favor, must have turned on.

 In early February 2020, Radev also made a dramatic political move - he withdrew his confidence in the government, and when prosecutors entered the presidency a few months later, he raised his fist. We remember there were protests, but there was no real change, as five years later the president was once again forced to become the leader of the resistance. And during these five years, he even governed through caretaker governments, where are the positive results?

 The second revolt of Radev is like a déjà vu. Instead of "losing trust", he says "the social contract is broken".

 The big difference is that the end of his presidency is approaching and the question "where to now" becomes more and more relevant.

 If Radev postpones the creation of a party until his mandate at "Dondukov" 2 is over, his chances of continuing his successful political career are very small. Bulgaria will have a new president and all the interest will be directed towards the new state head, not the old one. Unless the new president is called Iliana Yotova, at this stage there can only be speculation on the subject.

 Radev dramatically increases his chances for a breakthrough in party territory if he steps down in advance to lead the people, as he put it, if we follow the logic of his discourse. Yes, people appreciate the gesture of resigning from power, even if it is a limited presidential authority. But for a real breakthrough, parliamentary elections must be held. Early. 

   However, the government seems stable at this stage. It could fall if allies withdraw, but for now they get along just fine. Secondly, if MRF- NEW BEGINNING decides to withdraw its votes, there is no information on that either. Furthermore, if Borisov decides, then he would have to have found other coalition partners for GERB, which have not yet been outlined.

 It is difficult to say whether the president and his "cohort" have reached the fine political adjustments, but the rough rules seem clear.

 Firstly, there must be a crisis. The introduction of a single European currency would be an ideal conduit for a crisis. In order for a reform to succeed - and the replacing of the lev with the euro is a major transformation - it must have the active support of the citizens. If statements are made from the top of the state that there will be speculation, speculators can take advantage without surprising anyone. Citizens will feel warned and traditionally will be passive. This is a negative scenario that needs to be prevented, but at this stage it is still very much a possibility. It is certain that even the smallest negativity towards the euro will be a positive for Radev.

 Secondly, the president must appear as the savior of Bulgarian citizens. Another savior... Achieving this image for Radev is not difficult, as he has been surrounded by it from the very beginning, distancing himself constantly from the parties and the party system, which he blamed for sins, failures, and setbacks.

 Thirdly, if the salvation is delayed, if the steps are mistaken, if the party project fails, then instead of the role of Savior, Radev may find himself in the role of the victim after his presidency. The scandal with "Botaš" is a plot that is developing quickly and densely.

 Not coincidentally, President Radev also took a stance and launched an attack. In his statement on June 8, he stated that the ruling party is not using the "Botash" contract to fully satisfy domestic consumption, nor are they selling to third parties through its capacity, nor are they renegotiating it.

 According to the head of state, this is beneficial for attacks against the presidential institution, and he called on politicians to stop lying outrageously.

 Meanwhile, the "Botash" contract reveals another difference between 2020 and now. Currently, Radev has no allies, no parties or party electorates that sympathize with him, and do not look at him suspiciously. No one supports him for "Botash." He is alone in this. The debate in parliament over the case with the Turkish company showed that the revenge of the political forces, which the president demonized for years, will not be exhausted only with changes in the Constitution in the part regarding caretaker cabinets. The battle between Radev and the parties is yet to be intensified.

 In terms of resistance against the euro, Radev is close to "Revival" and the other anti-system small parties, but is a direct competitor to "Revival" if he makes a project proposal. There is no political force, other than possibly small parties, that would welcome the entry of a presidential party into the field.

 On one hand, this is advantageous for the president, as the Savior is expected to be just one and only. On the other hand, confronting everyone in the name of the people brings back memories of another time when only those in power knew what was best for the people. This is why they asked for their opinion and in 1971, during a national referendum, 99.6% approved the Zhivkov Constitution, whose First Article declared the leading role of the party. However, these historical facts do not bother the President, who equates referendums with democracy and claims, "The path to the currency does not go through the body of democracy and the law.

 It goes through the ballot boxes." There are other examples with referendums whose results have been a historical failure, a paradox, an entrance to dictatorship. But even with Zhivkov's constitution, it is enough to convince us that the advertising that Radev is doing for referendums is a double-edged knife. Advertising that currently serves in favor of presidential ratings and his plans. But it is unlikely to be in favor of the people if someone eventually turns the populist with the tool of referendums.

 And the casting for this role seems to be already underway.