39376 | 23 Dec. 2025 | 14:14

The CC-DB party is not the only political force organizing protest rallies. "Revival" is also one such force. A quarter of a century ago, it was only UDS

The leaders of the CC-DB speak at the massive protest rallies in the capital and dream of their own "1997" - they pray for a full majority in parliament, in order to be able to "implement the real reforms that people want."

 First this summer, Assen Vassilev, leader of the CC, raised this issue on the show "Panorama" on December 12.

 "What we have seen throughout these years is that when you are in a coalition, it is very difficult to make real reforms. The people at the square want real reforms. And that is why I want to look them in the eyes and ask for a full mandate, a full majority," Vassilev said, and in response to the host's comment that this is not realistic, he countered - the protests in 1997 were "more or less of the same scale" as those in the winter of 2025".

 After Vassilev's thesis for a full majority, all CC-DB leaders repeat as a mantra every time they see a microphone. And here comes the co-chairman of the DB, Ivaylo Mirchev, who vowed in the show "Offensive" on Nova News - "If anything can change in the country, it will be with a full majority. Everything outside of 121 deputies is compromises and deals, and we don't want to do such things."

 The request is evident. The desire is also there - today's CC-DB coalition to repeat what ODS did, lead by Kostov and Bakardzhiev in '97.

 But why, figuratively speaking, can't Assen Vassilev be Ivan Kostov, and Ivaylo Mirchev - Evgeny Bakardzhiev? And why are most analysts skeptical about the likelihood of the blue's former success being repeated by those who are now considered their heirs (or at least some of them)?

 Then - at the end of '96 and '97 there were several factors that led to an exceptional polarization of society. It was only black and white. The ruling party, BSP, bore the burden of all sins - from the financial crisis to the grain crisis. No one was interested in such "details" that the government, as today and then, had no opportunity to interfere with the work of the BNB, which issued licenses to emerging private banks and was obliged to monitor and control them; that it was not possible, after wanting to join the states with a liberal economy, to restrict exports (in this case - of wheat). During those days, the socialists were so "black" and "anti-European" that no one wanted to know that it was precisely Jean Videnov's government that had submitted the application for Bulgaria's membership in the European Union. The European Union was the promised land where the blues wanted to lead us and the "communists were standing in their way".

 That's how things looked for the average person back then. And it's not surprising that after the protests in the winter of 1997, the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) only won 58 seats, while the United Democratic Forces won 137. What's more surprising is that three more political parties entered the parliament in that extremely polarized atmosphere - the Movement for National Salvation (DPS) with 19 seats, the Bulgarian Left Party with 14 seats, and the Bulgarian Business Bloc with 12 seats.

 Since then, no one has repeated the success of Kostov. Not even Simeon Saxe-Coburg-Gotha in 2001. - In 2009, Boyko Borisov only had 117 mandates out of 120. It should be noted that the absolute majority was stolen through election technology - two "fake twins" of his National Movement for Simeon II received 5.14% (Coalition "Simeon II" - 3.44% and National Union for Tsar Simeon II - 1.7%).

 With GERB, the opposite happened - changes in the election rules, initiated by BSP at the last moment before the elections and including a majoritarian element, instead of working against them, gave an unexpected bonus for Borisov's formation. In 2009, 31 of the members of parliament were elected from majoritarian districts overlapping with the electoral regions. GERB won 91 purely proportional mandates and 26 majoritarian ones (the remaining five went to MRF).

 Why do we remind this? The desire for reforms above Kostov's salary, replaced later by the desire for stability - by Borisov.

 And what do we have today?

 The slogan for change is leading over the one for stability. Bulgarian squares are filled with dissatisfaction. And not only in the capital and big cities. But! While the organizers in the capital are from CC-DB, in most cities around the country - they are from "Revival" party. And this in itself suggests that in the elections, the protest votes are unlikely to be poured into one urn.

 You can't step into the same river twice, the ancients used to say.

 The desire for change, the mass dissatisfaction with the fact that our country is losing in comparison even to its neighbors, will most likely pump up the voter turnout and the results of the parties fighting against the status quo. Adding to the dissatisfaction of those who have experienced the transition, that we are moving slowly and not resembling "Europe", is the discontent of the youngest, who since birth have been watching the same faces on their television screens. But while the angry crowd is visible, the supporters of "stability" are not. And they are probably not few. And for them, the saying goes - come evil, for without you it will be worse.

 Until the elections, there are three months - a time during which many things could happen.

 In 2009, Borisov called for revenge and was recognized as a symbol of revenge. Although he did not have a majority, he enjoyed unquestionable authority which, until the protests in 2020, allowed him to confidently lead coalition formats.

 Today the question is whether the CC-DB will be recognized as a "tool of revenge". To achieve this, they must also vote "with disgust" (in the words of Kostov) – meaning that their ballots should be cast by people who have serious criticisms towards their policies and actions while in power. Such votes can only come from the two million non-voters, but will they be enough to secure them the coveted majority?

 Recently, there has been a lot of talk about the uprising of the youth and the dissatisfaction of Generation Z. However, as warned by numerous analysts, their anger will only make sense politically if they go out and vote. And it should not be forgotten that the younger the generation, the smaller in number it is. The most numerous generations are those born in the 50s and 60s of the last century.

 In order to achieve "The Change", the coveted dream of independent majority, it must win all generations, as happened in the late 1990s. And this is possible perhaps only in one case - if those who focus on discontent, manage to truly enrage the whole nation and "give" all the power to CC-DB, as their deniers. This means the electorate of GERB, MRF, BSP and TISP to choose the ballots of Asen Vasilev and Ivaylo Mirchev, to punish their own parties. It is unlikely!

 There is also another significant difference. Back then, the newly elected president Petar Stoyanov was part of ODS, and the wave from his election in the fall of 1996 spilled over into the victory of ODS in the spring of 1997. Today, it is exactly the opposite. Radev and CC-DB are open enemies.

 Radev has his own supporters who would never give their vote to the "charlatans". And as a summary - GERB, MRF, "Revival", BSP and all left-wing fronts will not vote for CC-DB, sympathizers of Radev and various patriotic formations... This is approximately 2/3 of the eligible voters.

 And finally - in 1997 there was a dream - Europe, and it was embodied by ODS.

 Today Bulgaria is a member of the European Union - on January 1 with the adoption of the euro, its Eurointegration will finally be completed, all thanks to GERB, MRF, BSP and TISP.

 But after becoming part of the Union, we started to see its shortcomings, and there is now euroscepticism - something unthinkable in 1997. Back then there was unemployment and an economic crisis, today there are thousands of vacant jobs. If we believe in business - there is a place under the sun for everyone who is not lazy.

 And in order to repeat the success of the Blue Coalition from 1997, the conditions must be close to those as well. At the end of 1996 and the beginning of 1997, several mines exploded, laid at the beginning of the transition - primarily the banking crisis, which evaporated the savings of almost all Bulgarians. The opinion of the external factor was also unanimous - Videnov had managed to anger both the East and the West. The West - because of his unwillingness for the country to join NATO, and Russia - because he did not surrender to the dictate of "Gazprom" (the gas giant wanted to gain ownership of the gas pipelines on our territory - something that no Bulgarian government has given him). All these factors are not present today. The economy, banking system and energy sector are stable today, while malls and restaurants are full.

   And one more thing. Politics has always been a reflection of the personal qualities of leaders - the aura that Ivan Kostov and Yevgeni Bakardzhiev had in 1997 was overwhelming. It is enough to remember their nicknames - "The Commander" and "The Roller", to outline the influence they had and the power of their political presence.  

 Today, Asen Vasilev and Ivaylo Mirchev are far from this political projection. They are even incomparable!

 That is why the comparison between 1997 and 2025 is inadequate, as well as the expectations for a repeat of the election result from 1997.